Exploring the Age of Revolution
in the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland

An important source of replacement records are transcriptions and notes taken by researchers in the Public Records Office before the fire of 1922. One very prolific transcriber was Tenison Groves (1863-1938), a record agent and genealogist. PRONI holds an impressive collection of Groves’ notebooks, including the present item, which records a number of cases that came before the Antrim assizes in the eighteenth century. The Chief Secretary’s Office kept a close eye on local trials at quarter session and assizes, maintaining a correspondence with country magistrates. The selection of trials in Co. Antrim that Tension Groves has transcribed in this item span the years 1717 to 1772. These trials all involve ‘Tories, Robbers, & Rapparees’. These terms, often used interchangeably, describe a type of highwayman or bandit that was common in the eighteenth century. While these terms might seem odd, ‘Tory’ was an Anglicisation of the Irish word tóraí (‘pursuer, or outlaw’), while ‘Raparees’ were derived from the Irish ropairí (the plural of ropaire) commonly meaning a ‘stabber, violent person, or scoundrel’. These terms frequently described bands of highwaymen who engaged in armed robbery, burglary, and cattle theft, crimes which are recorded in these trials at the Antrim assizes. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, with special thanks to Viscount Massereene.

This letter, written by Lady Moira, is addressed to the Lord Lieutenant, Lord George Townshend. In it she refers to a recent panic regarding the ‘Hearts of Flint’, one of several agrarian redresser groups active in Ulster, better known by the name the ‘Hearts of Steel’. There were several waves of similar such protests across the eighteenth century, most notably the ‘Whiteboy’ outbreaks in Munster from the 1760s on. The Hearts of Steel (or ‘Steelboys’) were active in Ulster during the 1770s, comprised mainly of Protestant small farmers, angry at a sharp rise in rents and local taxes. They used violence against landlords and tax collectors, appearing in groups at night to intimidate their opponents. The letter is striking for how sympathetic Lady Moira is to both the motivations of the Hearts of Steel, advising Lord Townshend to pursue ‘lenient measures before proceeding to extremities’. She even notes how the protests of these groups should not be ‘misinterpreted in England into the supposition of rebellion’. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

This letter from a Chief Secretary, Sir Richard Heron, is addressed to Richard Boyle, the 2nd earl of Shannon. Shannon was one of Ireland’s most powerful politicians and a key supporter and advisor of the government. Heron’s letter concerns a report about Cork’s merchants, who were allegedly exporting provisions (food stuffs) to the French, who were at that moment fighting Britain as part of the American Revolutionary War. There had been a number of embargoes imposed on Irish merchants in the 1770s, as part of this conflict, severely restricting what goods could be exported and on what conditions. Cork’s merchants had repeatedly petitioned the government for exemptions, as the embargo had badly damaged Cork's economy. The city’s merchants were therefore a subject of some suspicion, due also in part to their longstanding trade links with French and Caribbean ports. If it was true that these Cork merchants were providing provisions to the French navy it would have constituted high treason. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

This item, an account of a discussion in a Dublin coffee house, is a good example of the type of report that the Chief Secretary’s Office was keen to receive, keeping it abreast of the popular mood. The coffee house in question was the Globe, which was located Dublin’s Essex Street and was well known as a meeting place for politicians and lawyers during the 1770s. It was in coffee houses that these men came to read newspapers, gossip, and debate the matters of the day. This item records a conversation in the Globe between a Protestant supporter of Catholic rights, and a group of Catholics who are depicted as wanting more extreme measures, even alluding to the possibility of a revolution aided by the French. This account is contained within the papers of John Foster (1740-1828), an influential politician and part of the inner circle of advisors to Dublin Castle. This account was likely received by Foster due to his concern with alleged conspiracies against the government at this period, including a suspected assassination plot in which Foster himself had been a target. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

This letter, addressed to Richard Boyle the 2nd Earl of Shannon, concerns a public meeting in Cork, passing resolutions hostile to Shannon’s political conduct. The letter was written by Bayly Rogers (1725-1786), a doctor and Freeman of the City of Cork, who was a regular correspondent of the Earl of Shannon. During 1779 and 1780, Cork witnessed a series of mass meetings where resolutions were passed concerning parliamentary reform and calls for the lifting of restrictions on Irish trade. Many of those organizing these meetings were members of the Volunteers. The Volunteer movement consisted of citizen militias for defence against potential invasion, but it was also allied with the 'Patriot' party within the Irish parliament, the opposion which advocated for reform and greater autonomy from Britain. The Earl of Shannon was hostile to such measures, which was what aggravated the ‘mock Patriots’ described in the letter. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

The 'Armagh Troubles' were a series of violent confrontations and sectarian conflicts in the late eighteenth century occurring in County Armagh. These conflicts involved Protestant groups, notably the Peep o' Day Boys, who frequently clashed with Catholic groups such as the Defenders. The violence was rooted in rising religious and political tensions, exacerbated by economic competition and social changes due to the growth of the linen trade. The conflict broke out during the 1780s in the wake of a series of Catholic relief acts, which aimed to reduce restrictions on Catholics but inadvertently heightened fears among Protestants of losing their dominant social position. This unrest culminated in 1795 with a significant clash known as the ‘Battle of the Diamond’, leading to the formation of the Orange Order, a Protestant fraternal organization that sought to defend Protestant ascendancy. This letter by Dr William Richardson, addressed to the 1st Marquess of Abercorn (1736-1818), provides a brief history of the Armagh Troubles, going back to a disputed election in 1753, and following the conflict through to the violence of the 1790s. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

This item, entitled ‘To such of the People of Ireland as are now in Rebellion’. It is an example of a ‘broadside’, a form of popular print what consisted of a single large sheet, printed on one side for the purpose of posting in a public place. This particular broadside is addressed to ‘My deluded countrymen’, and encourages Irishmen and women to remain loyal, blaming the United Irishmen for bad state of the country. It also offers pardon to those willing to seek protection, likely a reference to the conditional amnesty offered by government during the summer of 1798. It is an example of the type of loyalist propaganda that the authorities circulated in an attempt to counter the cultural efforts of the United Irishmen, which were regarded as being highly effective is spreading the revolutionary message. The item is taken from the McCance collection (D272), donated to PRONI by Capt. S. McCance in 1928, and containing a number of original and transcript items relating to the 1790s. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

This notice, published during the first week of the 1798 Rebellion, warns rebels of the consequences for appearing in the uniform of the military or yeomanry, declaring that they would be ‘considered as a spy, and tried accordingly’. This was not an idle threat. During the Rebellion, court martials were widely used by the British authorities to try and punish rebels swiftly. These military tribunals bypassed civilian courts and were characterized by expedited proceedings and harsh sentences, including executions. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

This printed copy of an account of some of the fighting in counties Kilkenny and Carlow during the 1798 Rebellion, conveys some of the urgency and fear that the authorities felt that summer. It recounts how rebel forces, numbering several thousand, had escaped from pursuing forces in Wexford and converged within County Kilkenny. There, a battle ensued with government troops resulting in hundreds of deaths. On the back of this account is a separate report, listing the military casualties sustained during the attack on Vinegar Hill and Enniscorthy in Co. Wexford. This was a pivotal moment during the Rebellion, marking a significant defeat for the rebels and arguably the point at which the tide turned against the rebellion. This list of casualties is only for the government forces, listing the numbers killed, wounded or missing, divided by rank and regiment. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

The trauma of the 1798 Rebellion lingered for years, if not decades. One example can be found in the correspondence of George Hart, a military officer and politician. Hart regularly corresponded with his nephew, Reverend Edward Chichester, who served as a clergyman in County Armagh. In a letter dated 1813, Chichester seeks advice from Hart regarding 'insurgents’ in the north, even proposing the use of spies to gather information. It is possible this related to the emergence of a new secret society, known as the 'Ribbonmen'. Chichester also references the resurgence of the ‘rich, rebellious merchants who were leaders in 1798’, including Dr William Drennan, who had been one of the founders of the United Irishmen. This may be a reference to Drennan's circle in Belfast at this time, consisting of former radicals, who would help open the Belfast Academical Institution the following year, which was seen at the time as being the preserve of ‘democrats’. These developments sufficiently frightened Rev Chichester that in this letter he advocates bringing back the draconian Insurrection Act of 1796. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

The letter from John Stewart to the Marquess of Abercorn recounts a violent disturbance that occurred during a festival at Lough Patrick, near Omagh, in 1815. Stewart describes how the traditionally peaceful gathering turned into a riot, claiming that Catholics were the aggressors, attacking Protestants, including a yeoman who was severely beaten. Stewart notes that an investigation initiated by the Lord Lieutenant's office, indicating that Dublin Castle was concerned with such reports of religious factionalism and violence. Unfortunately, religious conflicts at fairs and festivals were not uncommon in this period, and continued to act as flashpoints for violence well into the nineteenth century. Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.

The campaigns for Catholic emancipation in the late 1820s constituted an innovative form of mass-politics, orchestrated by the nationalist leader Daniel O’Connell. This memorandum provides an account of a conversation between O’Connell and Henry William Paget, the 1st Marquess of Anglesey, who twice served as the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, during 1828-9 and again 1830-33. The reason for the gap between Anglesey’s two stints as viceroy was his support for Catholic Emancipation, which he had announced in late 1828, leading to his recall soon thereafter. Anglesey’s account of this conversation is a curious one. During it, O'Connell expressed regret over the country's turmoil and attributes the violence it to police interference and widespread Protestant arming. He outlined the goals of the Catholic Association, aiming to secure parliamentary representation for Catholics and pressuring the government for emancipation. Anglesey, while sympathetic to the Catholic cause, cautions him against overly aggressive agitation, suggesting a more moderate approach might yield better results. The most striking section is Anglesey’s concluding remarks on O’Connell’s personality: 'O'Connell is the vainest of Men and is easily taken by a good bait… but I repeat that I believe him sincere. That he has good heart and means well and means indeed always what he says.' Credit: The Deputy Keeper of the Records, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland.